Home Up Catalyst to Coalition Opening Panel Remarks By Yeshi Sherover Neumann Key Note-Cherie R. Brown ACADEMIC PAPER- Ralph Seliger ACADEMIC PAPER Richar Shapiro ACADEMIC PAPER Deborah Grenn Interactive Workshops Purpose Speakers Bios ACADEMIC PAPERIrwin Sperber ACADEMIC PAPER Claudia Chavez ACADEMIC PAPER PRESENTATIONS By Goldie Klugman Opening Panel Remarks By Judy Andreas I Opening Panel Remarks By Gina Waldman |
KEYNOTE SPEECH
Presented August 22, 2004
By Cherie R. Brown
FACING A CHALLENGE:
ANTI-SEMITISM AND THE LEFT
I want to appreciate Judy Andreas for organizing this session on
anti-Semitism and the Left. When Judy first contacted me almost a year ago
with a goal of hosting a conference on Anti-Semitism and the Left—I thought
to myself---Judy, you are a dreamer. I knew that this was a much needed
conference---but I also thought, it will never happen. Little did I know
Judy Andreas. Judy, thank you for your passion and your commitment to this
issue. And thank you for organizing a conference that many of us knew needed
to happen—but until now, none of us had figured out how to make happen.
There has been a series of articles on the issue of anti-Semitism over the
past few years -----in the New York Review of Books, the New Republic,
Commentary, and elsewhere. Some speak of a new, virulent anti-Semitism. A
few of these articles make worrisome comparisons between the current
historic period and the beginning days of the rise of fascism in Nazi
Germany. Others react to these alarmist articles saying this is all too much
paranoid thinking. Anti-Semitism is not on the rise they claim. What is
taking place is only criticism of the policies of the Israeli government.
And criticism of Israel, these writers argue is not the same thing as
anti-Semitism.
Many of these same arguments are taking place within progressive movements
on the left. There are some that say that the left, at best ignores Jews and
Jewish concerns—and at worst, has strong anti-Jewish attitudes. There are
others that argue that the left justifiably stands up for the oppressed. And
in this historic period, the oppressed are not Jews----but the Palestinian
people. And therefore the left is correct in challenging Jews and Israel
about the oppression of the Palestinian people. What is true? How can we
make sense of these complex issues? What is anti-Semitism in this historic
period? Is criticism of Israel an act of anti-Semitism? When is it? When is
it not? This evening I want to address two points:
1) Why is it so difficult to have any clarity or common understandings on
the left about anti-Semitism.? Why is it hard for so many of us to agree
about when anti-Semitism is happening---and when it is not?
What is a useful perspective on anti-Semitism that can help us make sense of
the current political situation? How can we shed light on events like the
United Nations Conference on Racism in Durban, or the divest from Israel
movement on college campuses. Do these involve acts of anti-Semitism---or
are they simply a legitimate _expression of political debate?
Many years ago, I was attending a meeting of Jews and non-Jews in New York
to discuss a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. At one
point in the meeting, I thought that a number of comments that were being
made in the meeting were anti-Semitic. At the break---I walked over to the
organizer of the meeting to try and get support. He was a longtime, well
known political activist and fighter on behalf of many liberation causes and
I was sure he would be a good person to talk to. So-- I went up to him and
said, Dave, "I just experienced anti-Semitism in that meeting. His response
to me, was "Oh, Cherie don’t say that". He didn’t say to me--no, you’re
wrong. That wasn’t anti-Semitism. He didn’t even say to me, I disagree. Let
me tell you why. He simply said---"Don’t say that." And that was the end of
the conversation. In those early years I didn’t know how to speak up for
myself or for Jews and so I did not continue the conversation---but I went
home and thought about his comment for days afterwards. Had I gone up to him
and said---Dave…I experienced racism or sexism in that room--I think, or at
least I’d like to think, that he would have listened to me and wanted
further details. Why was there no space for even a hearing about my
experience of anti-Semitism in the meeting? As I thought about it---it
occurred to me that there are no grades of mistreatment when people use the
term anti-Semitism. My saying I experienced anti-Semitism in the meeting was
heard as if I had just said--I think they are talking about carting Jews off
to concentration camps. On other issues of oppression---there are understood
grades of mistreatment, If women or People of Color are not being called on
in a meeting, for example, someone might say--I just experienced racism or
sexism in that meeting--and at least some people might want to know more.
But to speak of anti-Semitism in most peoples minds conjures up one
thing---images of concentration camps, Hitler, and the Holocaust. And in
their minds---if a Holocaust is not happening, then anti-Semitism is not
happening. So, there is very little space to actually talk about daily acts
of anti-Semitism -- to raise it as an issue--and to have it on people’s
minds.
Secondly, there is no independent Gentile movement that I’m aware of in the
world to combat anti-Semitism. There are White people working to eliminate
their own racism. There are men working to eliminate sexism. There are
organizations like PFLAG, parents, families, and friends of gay people
working to eliminate gay oppression. But there are no explicit
organizations, with the sole purpose of eliminating anti-Jewish oppression.
There are Christian-Jewish dialogue groups, and more recently,
Muslim-Christian- Jewish Dialogue groups that work to further mutual
understandings of each other’s respective religions. And this is important
work---and does contribute to alleviating some of the religious based roots
of misunderstandings about Jews. But it is not the same as an explicit group
of Gentiles working on identifying and uprooting their own anti-Jewish
biases. Without an active movement of Gentiles working to eliminate
anti-Semitism---the consciousness raising work that is needed --the work of
asking oneself --how might I have been anti-Semitic in this situation just
isn’t happening on an ongoing basis.
Let me give you an example. In the anti-oppression organization that I
founded, the National Coalition Building Institute, we have been training
leaders around the world for 20 years to develop programs that teach the
skills of prejudice reduction, inter group conflict resolution and coalition
building. A colleague that I trained was convening a support group in her
community where team leaders meet regularly to confide in one another the
places in their lives where they are experiencing mistreatment--and in a
group setting --with agreed upon rules of confidentiality--- get support
from one another. In one particular meeting---my colleague, a Jewish woman,
confided in the group that she was experiencing anti-Semitism in one of the
agencies she was working in. She simply wanted her support group members to
know about it---and help her strategize what to do. Within weeks of the
meeting, a member of her support group broke confidentiality, took her
complaint of anti-Semitism without her knowledge to a high level manager in
the agency, and in spite of three years of excellent work with this
organization--my colleague was told that she could no longer work there. The
mere mentioning of anti-Semitism so terrified everyone that heard
it----there was little chance for sensible dialogue or rational discourse.
And this is often what happens to Jews. We are welcomed for our skills and
expertise, but then when we raise concerns – we are suddenly expendable. And
my friend was fired.
As I continued to try and make sense of this ---the near impossibility to
even raise up the issue of anti-Semitism for discussion----the terror that
emerges so quickly when the word is even mentioned outside of a small group
of Jews---I began to notice other things.
In the workshops I lead, there is a part of the program where participants
are asked to choose a group they belong to where they have personally
experienced discrimination. Each group caucuses and prepares a list to read
to the whole workshop of the things they never again want people to say,
think, or do towards their group. After hearing all the reports,
participants are asked what touched them, what was new information, or what
were behaviors they might do differently. I have led these workshops with
thousands of groups around the world. And rarely does anyone ever mention
that they were touched by the caucus report from the Jewish group. At first
I thought maybe the reporters from the Jewish group weren’t giving powerful
enough caucus reports. And so I’d listen more carefully to the reports. And
there would be comments like--we don’t ever again want to be gassed. We
don’t ever again want to be killed. And I realized---no--the comments were
at least as powerful as the other reports. So---I came to realize that
amongst the progressive anti-racism activists that attend our programs, it
was as if there was a complete mental shut down about being able to even see
Jews as a victimized group—to be included in the laundry list of oppressed
groups that deserved our attention. The anti-Semitism was so internalized
that the participants couldn’t hear the reports from the Jewish caucus with
a genuine ability to remember the comments---or to have strong feelings of
empathy with the Jewish group. This shut down about being able to listen to
Jewish pain, particularly by progressive activists, this difficulty in ever
seeing Jews as victims in this historic period deserving our care and
recognition—but to only see Jews as the oppressor--- has profound
implications for our being able to put forward an honest analysis of
anti-Semitism.
It is difficult to talk about anti-Semitism on a global, political level if
we can’t first notice it on a daily, personal level. For many
people---global, political issues only have meaning when they can relate
them first to their own personal lives and struggles. The personal is
political. Yet, we have progressed to a place in our personal dealings with
one another in the U.S. where it is not polite for many to think about Jews
openly in negative terms. So, instead of thinking about someone they are
having difficulty with as –‘That Jew’ (because that’s not after all
considered an acceptable thought to have) a person might simply think about
the person as that pushy, obnoxious, loud person (and the fact that the
person might be a Jew is irrelevant in their mind). One of these days I plan
to write a book and the title of the book will be--I’m not anti-Semitic--I
just don’t like you.
A few years ago several members of a grass-roots progressive organization
came to me for help with their supervisor. I listened out to their concerns
and within 10 minutes---I thought to myself---I bet their supervisor is
Jewish. The more they talked about her---how pushy she was, how aggressive,
how controlling----all code words that have often been used to describe Jews
(and in particular, Jewish women) ----I thought the supervisor might be
Jewish. And I was right. What’s important to understand is that not one of
the staff was thinking to themselves---my supervisor is Jewish. And that’s
why I don’t get along with her. And yet, their supervisor was Jewish----and
their difficulties with her had everything to do with the struggles that I
know many Jews have in workplace settings---a sense of deep isolation, a
need to do everything oneself, if it‘s going to get done well, a difficulty
in trusting that others will ever be there, a difficulty in being relaxed,
constantly worrying about daily pending disasters in the office. The blaming
of their supervisor for all of the problems in the office would not lead to
the problems being solved. Because her staff didn’t think about her as a
Jewish person, they were also oblivious to her struggles as a Jew or the
origin of these struggles in Jewish history. Instead of being able to be her
ally and understand the pressures she might be under--or look honestly at
their own struggles as well--and see what they also needed to change--they
saw their supervisor as the primary source of the problems in the office,
and this is an example of anti-Semitism.
In dozens of workshops that I have led over the years for Gentiles who want
to learn how to be a better ally to Jews, I have often said to them,
"Anytime you are blaming a Jewish person for all of the problems in your
relationship, or you see the Jewish person as the sole cause of your
difficulties---- you might want to consider that anti-Semitism is at play.
And we Jews are at least as confused as our Gentile allies about whether or
not we have experienced anti-Semitism in a particular relationship—or
situation. We may blame ourselves for any struggles or see every difficulty
as our own personal problem and miss the unaware anti-Semitism in the
situation. I often tell my Jewish brothers and sisters that anytime you feel
really bad about yourself, there must might be some unaware anti-Semitism
causing you to have those sets of bad feelings.
At every Jewish workshop I lead, I spend an evening asking the question, "
how have you personally experienced anti-Semitism this past year." At first
the room is usually silent. I can hear people saying to each other—"I
haven’t really experienced anything". And then, one by one, as it gets safe
enough to remember, the stories begin to pour out. The college student who
attends Hillel, the Jewish student group on campus who had a swastika put on
his door last year; the Jewish union organizer who spoke up about Christian
only decorations in her workplace and was shunned by the other organizers.
And all the stories from literally hundreds of Jews involved in progressive
organizations who are terrified to tell their activist friends that they are
Jewish—for fear of being hated or ignored.
So--we can’t easily speak of anti-Semitism without people thinking we’re
talking about carting Jews off to the death camps,; there is no independent
Gentile Movement yet to fight against anti-Semitism; there is a systematic
shut down and inability to hear about the pain of Jews, particularly when
Jews want to bring up issues about their own mistreatment or victimization,
and there is a difficulty for many to think of those around them as
Jews---and then have compassion for their struggles and challenges as Jews.
And we wonder why it’s so hard for many to understand what anti-Semitism is.
And yet despite these difficulties--it is more important than ever that we
have a clear definition of what anti-Semitism is that can shed light on many
of the current political struggles. Anti-Semitism will manifest itself
differently in different historic periods---but the dynamics are actually
quite the same in each historic period.
For 2000 years, Jews were a minority. They were offered protection by the
aristocracy in each country where they lived as long as a number of Jews in
those countries served in what has been called "Middle Agent" roles ---as
merchants, as moneylenders, as tax collectors. In the Middle Ages, these
Jews were often called Court Jews. The majority of Jews in those countries
were as poor as the rest of the population. When the resentment of the
population against the rulers rose to a significant level----Jews were scape
goated, blamed for all of the countries’ difficulties and often expelled.
The pogroms of Eastern Europe and The Nazi Holocaust were only the most
egregious examples of this scapegoat mechanism.
In the present historic period, in the United States, Jews are no longer tax
collectors. Instead, the work roles many Jews have may include being a
teacher, a social worker, a manager, a business person. Because these roles
exert some degree of daily control or supervision over the lives of others,
particularly People of Color, Jews can become seen as the obstacle to the
advancement of other groups who are competing for scarce resources. Periodic
references to Jewish "power and influence" reinforce other oppressed groups
resentments and confusions about Jews and keep these groups from being able
to organize to challenge the real forces of economic exploitation.
I’d like to propose that we cannot understand anti-Semitism unless we
understand that it has two parts, operating side by side. Anti-Semitism is
the scapegoating of Jews, the blaming of Jews, the singling out of Jews as
the primary source of one’s difficulties --it can be an individual’s
difficulties, a country’s difficulties , or a region of the world’s
difficulties. Anytime Jews are singled out and blamed, there is
anti-Semitism in operation. Anti-Semitism is not the fault of Jews. At the
same time----this scapegoating mechanism can lead to a reaction from Jews
---be it an individual Jew or the Jewish leadership of a country, to seek
protection and an end to the isolation and scapegoating, believing there is
no way to gain safety except to function in an oppressive way. Previously,
those who have stood up against the scapegoating of Jews have not always
been able to acknowledge the oppressive things that Jews are forced to do.
And those who have seen the oppressive things Jews are doing have not
understood the isolation, the terror, and the ultimate threat of betrayal
that underlies these actions. To see Jews primarily as oppressors is
anti-Semitic because it misses the very real vulnerability of Jews. But to
ignore any of the oppressive things that Jews do will not end anti-Semitism
because it actually increases the isolation and vulnerability of Jews from
the rest of the world’s peoples and sets Jews up for increased
anti-Semitism.
How does this mechanism function in current political situations? Let me
start with the United Nations Conference on Racism in Durban, South Africa.
I was in Durban as a delegate for two organizations. I was part of an
eight-person delegation with the organization I direct, the National
Coalition Building Institute. I was also part of United to End Racism, a
fifty-person delegation of people from around the world who came to Durban
to share tools and practices for ending racism. It was not easy being a Jew
in Durban. The daily rhetoric about Israel and Palestine drowned out many
other important discussions. The important issues about racism kept getting
diverted during the week by the fights to enter "Zionism is racism" language
into the conference documents. One day, the African Heritage tent had
scheduled a press conference about the racism issues facing African Heritage
peoples. But the press conference was canceled because there were huge
fights going on about Israel/Palestine and the press were pre-occupied.
As a U.S. Jew who was born after the Holocaust, I have been insulated from
many of the more negative attitudes about Jews that a portion of the world’s
peoples still hold. It was painful to have to listen to so much hatred about
Jews, to see buttons that read "Hitler didn’t do his job." Particularly when
these comments came from other anti-racist activists. The singling out of
Israel for condemnation in Durban, having Israel be the only country in the
entire world noted in the UN NGO documents for it’s racism----were
difficult.
The most painful moment for me happened on the last day of the conference.
Earlier that week, Mary Robinson, the head of the non-governmental meeting
of the UN conference on racism, had allegedly been shown a cartoon that was
being circulated at the conference, depicting a Jewish man with a hooked
nose, a beard, and blood pouring from his hands which were clasped in a
greedy pose. Anyone viewing that cartoon could only be horrified of its
resemblance to oppressive blood libel characatures of Jews that had been
circulated for centuries in Europe. In seeing the cartoon, Mary, an Irish
Catholic woman apparently said----"if these anti-Semitic cartoons are being
passed out here at the conference—then —I’m a Jew." The headlines of the
daily newspaper for the conference the next morning read: Mary Robinson
says, "I’m a Jew." And on the last day of the conference, at the closing
ceremonies, I sat in an outdoor amphitheater with thousands of anti-racism
activists from around the world. When Mary got up to speak, right before the
speech by Fidel Castro, the keynote speaker at the closing event, she was
hissed and booed by a large majority of the audience. My heart broke. Here I
was, at an international conference with anti-racism workers from around the
world. These were my closest allies, my friends and colleagues who were
devoting their lives every day to the fight against racism. And they were
booing an international leader because she had taken a stand against
anti-Semitism.
And the United States played a role in increasing this anti-Semitism. Saying
that the primary reason that the US was abandoning the conference in Durban
was because of the criticisms of Israel--- played into the hands of those
that were advocating divide and conquer politics. In fact, the Bush
administration had been luke warm about the UN Conference in Durban long
before the issues of Israel and Palestine became so pronounced. The U.S. did
not want to participate in deliberations about the issue of reparations for
the descendants of slaves ---particularly if final U.N. documents could open
the way for future legal action and expensive class action law suites
against the United States. George Bush refused to even send a high level
delegation to the conference. But, the U.S. could conveniently stay silent
about its concerns on the issue of reparations and instead, hid behind their
support of Israel. The U.S. walked out of the conference in Durban, claimed
it was because of anti-Israel rhetoric and their walk-out helped to fuel an
increase in the anti-Israel rhetoric. But rather than challenge the U.S. for
its racist and imperialist policies, Jews and Palestinians were left once
again to fight it out with each other. And this is a primary example of how
anti-Semitism works. When activists on the left understand how anti-Semitism
is used as a divide and conquer mechanism to divert people’s attention away
from the underlying causes of oppression, we will be more prepared to fight
effectively against international issues of racism and imperialism.
I have spent the past 30 years working in Jewish organizations within the
U.S. to seek a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict---one
that would take into account the legitimate needs of the Israeli people and
the legitimate needs of the Palestinian people. I have often been frustrated
with the uncritical support of Israel by many Jews. But it wasn’t until I
was in Durban that I witnessed how this uncritical support for Israel was
isolating Jews from other people’s movements. When Jews are under heavy
attack, they find it difficult to do the important work of reaching out to
allies. But this reaching out to allies is a key component in ending
anti-Semitism. There was a Jewish caucus in Durban with mainstream Jews from
around the world that met daily to give each other support. I attended many
of the Jewish caucus meetings and I was invited by the leadership of the
caucus to speak one day on a panel they had put together on the issue of
anti-Semitism. At one point during the week, the Jewish caucus made up
T-shirts with a Jewish star and a peace symbol on the front. As I wandered
from tent to tent in Durban, I ran into a lot of Jewish young people wearing
the T-shirts. The attacks on Israel left these young Jews feeling
vulnerable. And in their vulnerability, they stayed only with each other,
huddled together wearing their t-shirts but unable to reach out and build
real friendships with young people from around the world. Members of
established Jewish groups that attended the conference in Durban could have
played a powerful role over the week in helping to maintain the focus of the
conference on ending racism. But they got caught up in the diversionary
politics and spent the week in a defensive posture about Israel.
And this is a vivid example of the viscous cycle of anti-Semitism. Israel
was singled out for condemnation in the UN documents and blamed as the only
source of the problems in the Israel-Palestine conflict. There was very
little understanding of the Middle East conflict, in all its complexity. The
dangers Israelis also face as a result of suicide bombings was never
acknowledged. And Jews, feeling scared and isolated in Durban and wanting to
defend Israel against attacks, reacted by defending all of the policies of
the Israeli government. A number of Jewish leaders told me in private in
Durban that they too had numerous criticisms of the Israeli governments
treatment of Palestinians or the settlement policies---but with all the
attacks on Israel---they thought it wasn’t safe to share any of these
criticisms publicly. And this is the viscous cycle. Israel is attacked.
There are no distinctions made in the attacks between the policies of the
Israeli government, the Israeli people, and Jews. Jews in turn think the
best response is to defend Israel without qualifications. Jewish leaders
fear that any public questioning of the policies of the Israeli government
will only increases anti-Semitism. And this unqualified defense of Israel in
turn increases the attacks on Israel---and the anti-Semitism.
I would like to propose tonight that our finding a way on the left to
acknowledge the struggles of both peoples the Israeli people and the
Palestinian people is the best way possible to reduce anti-Semitism. We
constantly get told that we must choose---are you for Israel? Are you for
the Palestinian people? I watched my closest friends and allies in Durban
deeply torn every day. When they supported Palestinian Liberation, or
attended a Palestinian rally, they felt like they were being a traitor to
their Jewish friends. When they stood up against anti-Semitic comments being
made, they agonized that they were abandoning their Palestinian brothers and
sisters.
We have got to find a way to say on the left that it is O.K. to stand up for
both peoples. It is O.K. to say that both peoples deserve a homeland. Both
peoples deserve to live in security. We must begin a new movement on the
left that says, "We refuse to have the forces of imperialism set our
people’s up against each other one more day."
With this understanding, what can be said about the divest from Israel
movement on college campuses. The strategy to compare the policies of the
Israeli government to the former policies of the government of South Africa,
under apartheid began during meetings leading up to the UN Conference on
Racism in Durban. The movement on college campuses to divest of all
companies doing business with Israel, with a particular focus on military
contractors was intended to arouse similar sympathies as did the movement
for sanctions against South Africa ---which also began on college campuses.
Why is Israel being singled out in this campaign? Calling for divestments in
all corporations that are involved in weapons production would be far
different than calling for divestments only in companies doing business with
Israel. The former could be seen as a highly principled effort to end war.
The latter is singling out Israel.
I---and many progressive Jews desperately want the occupation to end. My
first trip to Israel was in the summer of 1969, only two years after the 6
day war and the beginning of the Occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. I was
19. I had just spent the past year organizing against the war in Vietnam. I
was president of SDS at UCLA, where I was a college student. I had spoken
from the pulpit of my synagogue earlier that year on the need for Jews to
support the Black Panther party, and I had studied Marxism with Angela Davis
before she had gone underground. And this 19 year old growing activist
arrives in Israel 2 years after the 1967 war. I loved being in Israel. I had
spent my whole life wanting to go there. My grandmother, who had never
gotten to go to Israel because she was always too ill to travel, had spent
her life raising money for hospitals in Israel. So, I fell in love with the
country. But, the trip also broke my heart. I traveled around the country to
see if I could find anyone who was as upset by the occupation as I was. In
those early years, there was one conscientious objector who was refusing to
fight in the Israeli army. I found him. And we became friends. I had a
religious experience at the Kotel—the wailing wall, where devout Jews go to
pray. As I looked around, I saw the Israeli soldiers with their guns. I
heard the bells announcing evening prayers at the Dome of the Rock. And I
knew in that moment that the occupation would be the downfall of my people.
I came back to the United States, and wanted to find someone to talk to in
the Jewish community about my grave concerns about the militarism in Israel
and the oppression of the Palestinian people. The only person I could talk
to in Los Angeles in 1969 was Lou Smith, the director of a Black self help
group, Operation Bootstrap. I went and sat in his office and wept about the
militarism in Israel and the mistreatment of the Palestinians that I saw.
Lou cried with me about the growing Militarism in the Black power movement.
There we were, an African American man and a young Jewish woman, loving our
own peoples and heartbroken knowing that militarism was not going to be a
long range solution for the liberation of either of our peoples. I have
worked with many other Jews over these past 35 years to try and end the
occupation. And it is clear from my work with Jews that the more we can stop
targeting Israel as the only perpetrator of oppressive acts in the region,
the easier and easier it will be to help Jews find the courage to speak out
against the oppressive policies of the Israeli government.
A new organization for American Jews that I have been involved with over the
past two years, Brit Tzedek V’Shalom, the Jewish Alliance for Peace and
Justice does just this – it is a pro-Israel group deeply committed to Israel
and at the same time, committed to ending the occupation. And Jewish peace
groups like Brit Tzedek V’Shalom, because they take such a strong stand for
Israel can most effectively organize against the occupation with the Jewish
community, which in turn will help to reduce anti-Semitism.
There was a powerful example of this last year at an international
anti-globalization conference attended by 20,000 activists in Porto Alegra,
Brazil. A number of groups tried very had to divert the conference with
anti-Israel rhetoric, just as had been done so successfully in Durban, but
this time a joint Palestinian and Israeli peace effort triumphed over
anti-Israel rhetoric.
The Jewish community of Brazil was deeply worried beforehand that
anti-Israel groups would dominate the conference. But instead of acting
defensively, as I had witnessed in Durban, they set up proactive activities.
They launched a three-day seminar "Dialogue for Peace" prior to the
conference. The Jewish leadership marched in the anti-globalization rallies.
The chief rabbi of Brazil, joined dozens of others, wearing t-shirts with
the slogan: Two Peoples; Two States. Jewish activists displayed banners – "
yes to two states. No to racist hatred of Jews. " And on the last day of the
conference, a joint Israeli-Palestinian statement was read by the founder of
Peace Now and a member of the Palestinian Parliament at the closing
ceremony. Twenty-thousand activists stood and wept and cheered. It was a
victory for the peace camp. Dozens of groups that tried to put out an
anti-Israel message failed. And instead – a strong joint Israeli-Palestinian
message against terrorism prevailed. Peace efforts like this one are the
best antidote we have to anti-Semitism,
As my final point----I propose five specific actions to reduce
anti-Semitism:
Action 1: I propose that we set up consciousness raising groups about
anti-Semitism -- just the way we held consciousness raising groups in the
early women’s movement where we learned that the personal is also political.
Many years ago, there were a number of important articles written by myself,
Letty Pogrebin, Michael Lerner, and others about anti-Semitism in the Left.
There is a need once again to do consciousness raising sessions about
anti-Semitism. I propose that we set up consciousness raising groups, first
and foremost for Jews, and then for our allies, about anti-Semitism, and the
role that anti-Semitism plays in diverting peoples’ movements from
addressing key issues of worldwide oppression. In these groups---people need
to examine the daily acts of anti-Semitism within their own lives---and not
just look at the global, political issues. Every Jewish person within the
group needs to be asked the question – what has it been like to be a Jew?
This week? This month? This year? How have you experienced anti-Semitism
today?
Action 2: We need to find a way to make it safe enough for Jews to look at
the places we act in oppressive ways and we function as oppressors---or we
are not going to tackle the whole mechanism of anti-Semitism. As a result of
the Holocaust and the attempted genocide of Jews, we are a traumatized
people. It has been next to impossible for many Jews to be able to see
ourselves both as victims and in the oppressor role with regards to the
Palestinian people. I recently watched an excellent new film by an Israeli
filmmaker---PROMISES--which showed a group of young Palestinian children and
young Israeli children being brought together over a two-year trust building
period. In the film a number of hard-hitting scenes were shown about the
daily life for Palestinians under the Occupation, including being stopped at
military checkpoints throughout the occupied territories. As I watched these
scenes, I found myself hardly breathing. I wanted to scream, "It can’t be
this bad. Please don’t show this picture of Israel to the world. They will
just end up hating the Israeli people!" My mind knew this was a true and
accurate picture of Palestinian life under occupation---and if anything, it
downplayed all the horrors that Palestinians are suffering at the hands of
Israeli occupiers. Even as I knew this was an accurate picture---and needed
to be known--my heart rebelled. I have been working for justice for
Palestinians for thirty five years, and I could hardly watch these scenes.
And these are not the most hard hitting scenes of Palestinian life under
occupation. We are going to need to find a way to make it safe enough for
all Jews to remember how good we are and how good the Israeli people are so
that we can take an honest look at the oppressive things that Israel does
toward the Palestinian people.
Action 3: We need to reach out for Gentile allies on the left who will begin
to build an independent Gentile movement to speak out visibly against
anti-Semitism. It’s time to have separate groups for Gentiles working
against anti-Semitism. In these groups, our gentile allies need to work on
their earliest memories about Jews. What did you first learn about Jews in
your families or at church? I remember the first time I attended a Good
Friday service with two of my closest Catholics friends. I was terrified
every time they called out the word Jews in the reading of the passion. I
told my friends if they didn’t want to rip down the structures of the
Catholic Church—they were no longer my friends. I have gotten over my
initial anger and shock, but I think so many of the hurtful things that many
Gentiles have learned about Jews are unconscious. Just as we White people
have to face up every day to how much we have been taught racism by a racist
society, every Gentile needs to have the courage to examine how much they
have been taught anti-Jewish attitudes by an oppressive society.
Action 4: At the same time that we call on our Gentile allies to take on
anti-Semitism, we Ashkenazi Jews must be willing to do our own work on
racism. One of the things I witnessed in the year leading up to the
Conference in Durban was how hard Jewish organizations in the U.S. tried to
solicit support from U.S. based Black organizations on the issues of Israel.
But the Jewish community did not take up the key issue for the Black
community – reparations for descendants of African slaves. It’s very hard to
ask a group to be our ally on the issue that matters most to us, when we
aren’t prepared to put ourselves out on the issue at the heart of their
agenda. Black-Jewish dialogue programs or sponsoring annual Black-Jewish
Seders, as many mainstream Jewish groups do s not the same as working as an
organized Jewish community to defeat racism. We need allies to speak out
against anti-Semitism. And in turn, we will need to learn more effective
ways to reach back as allies to take on racism.."
Action 5: We absolutely need to stop saying that any criticism of Israel or
the policies of the Israeli government is anti-Semitic---or that those who
do speak out against any of the policies of the Israeli government are
against Jews. Instead, let us launch a campaign on the left to say openly
and often----we welcome a diversity of views on what will bring about a
resolution to the Israeli -Palestinian conflict. We want to hear from
everyone that cares about Israel and Palestine---what do you think is the
best way to bring about a peaceful settlement? Dialogue is one of the best
parts of my Jewish tradition. It is time to re introduce a Jewish tradition
of dialogue, arguing and debate. Silencing a diversity of views on Israel
will not end anti-Semitism. Jewish history is filled with periods where Jews
and Gentiles were silent. And the silence did not stop anti-Semitism. It’s
time to welcome with open arms a wide range of views in our communities.
Anti-Semitism is not new. It is certainly not unique to the left. There is
no need for alarmist messages that only serve to increase fear and keep
everyone from thinking clearly. When the left truly understands
anti-Semitism and embraces a commitment to end it—the left will become a way
more powerful tool for change.
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